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Archive for March, 2015

Gender, teacher assessment and stereotypes

By:  Simon Burgess

The gender gap in attainment is a key fact of our times, with girls now out-performing boys pretty much throughout the education system. Nevertheless, there are currently significant gaps in jobs: women are still under-represented in science, technology, engineering and mathematics. How the gap in qualifications plays out into jobs and pay over the next twenty years or so is going to have significant consequences for the nature of work, the composition of the leading professions, family life, bringing up children and more.

But that’s for the future. For now, we are still trying to understand the implications of the gender gap in schools. Last week a new report from the OECD uses the PISA data to shed more light on the gender gap across a large group of countries. The TES  highlights the conclusions drawn about teacher assessments and stereotyping:

“ … while teachers generally reward girls with higher marks in both mathematics and language-of-instruction courses, after accounting for their PISA performance in these subjects, girls’ performance advantage is wider in language-of-instruction than in mathematics. This suggests both that girls may enjoy better marks in all subjects because of their better classroom discipline and better self-regulation, but also that teachers hold stereotypical ideas about boys’ and girls’ academic strengths and weaknesses.” (OECD, p. 56)

These findings echo CMPO research by Ellen Greaves and I on teacher assessments and pupil ethnicity.  While we focussed on ethnicity, we also included gender and social status in the analysis.

We used data from the National Pupil Database (NPD) to compare written tests and teacher assessments of the same characteristic, namely the pupil’s ability in Maths, English and Science. The tests were nationally set and remotely marked; the teacher assessment was provided by the pupil’s subject teacher.

We can make this comparison because the end of Keystage 2 at age 11 has both these forms of assessments. There is no presumption that one form of the assessment is the Truth and one is biased. They are independent but noisy measures of the same underlying characteristic – just how good is this pupil at maths? But a comparison of the two across a large sample is revealing. Since we used all the eleven year-olds in England, our sample is big enough. Overall, the most common outcome is that the two estimates of ability agree, there is no difference between teacher assessment and remotely marked test.

But there are systematic patterns in the differences that are very interesting. In terms of gender, our findings for England are similar to the OECD, although since we use NPD data from the mid 2000’s, girls’ progress has moved on. We show that girls are “over-assessed” in English and “under-assessed” in maths. That is to say: the gaps between the test and the teacher assessment are on average positive in maths and negative in English for girls.

In terms of social class, we found that pupils eligible for free school meals were “under-assessed” on all three subjects.

Another way of saying the same thing is that poor pupils systematically and significantly out-performed what their teachers thought they would achieve.

We show the results for different ethnic, gender and social divides in the graph below. It shows very starkly that groups doing well in a test at a national level tend to be over-assessed by teachers; and equivalently, groups doing badly nationally tend to be under-assessed.

Note

None of this is to say that teachers are biased. Like everyone else all the time, they use stereotypes to help make decisions when their information is imperfect.

But there are consequences. It is important that we do not rely solely on teacher assessments and that we retain and use nationally set and remotely marked tests. Using teacher assessments rather than the test scores to define attainment would result in a much greater recorded gap between poor and non-poor pupils. Tests allow pupils to show what they can do independently of someone’s opinion of them, including that person being their teacher.

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Categories: Uncategorized

Do place-based policies achieve their objectives?

By:  Helen Simpson

Place-based policies such as enterprise zones target specific geographic areas, rather than specific groups of people. Even so, their ultimate aim is often to create jobs and boost incomes of relatively disadvantaged residents. A new Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco Economic Letter, by David Neumark and Helen Simpson, discusses the evidence on whether place-based policies meet their objectives.  The evidence on enterprise zones is mixed, with some studies finding no effects on employment and others finding positive effects on job creation. There is also no clear cut evidence that enterprise zones reduce poverty, and some evidence that they lead to house price increases, suggesting that the end beneficiaries may well differ from those the policy originally set out to help.

While targeting specific areas to take advantage of “agglomeration benefits” (that is, the productivity boost stemming from increased density of firms and workers), or purely on equity grounds is justifiable, the intended effects of policies that target “place” rather than “people” can be undone by geographic mobility. Firms may simply re-locate into subsidised areas, calling into question the nationwide benefits of an area-based subsidy if jobs are simply being geographically reshuffled, and people may also move. This means that the ultimate beneficiaries of any new jobs may not be the original disadvantaged residents, and that homeowners and landlords may benefit from increased property values. Given this, place-based policies aimed at specific locations should be closely evaluated to fully understand who exactly it is that gains any benefits, and whether these come at a cost to other individuals or areas.

Categories: Uncategorized